'Ladai Hi Jeevan Hai’

Your father, the founder of JMM and the chief architect of Jharkhand state, passed away recently. What lessons have you drawn from his life and what are your last memories of him?

From an early age, seeing Baba’s struggle for the rights and dignity of the tribal and poor people, I realized one truth: “Ladai hi jeevan hai” — life is a struggle — and we have to “fight the fight.” The problems tribals and poor people face in their daily lives are so severe that whether we are inside jail or outside, the pain is equal. When you are surrounded by suffering from all sides, the meaning of pain and of problems changes completely. When I was in jail, I thought of Baba often and felt that my pain was nothing compared to his. He had started everything from scratch, and we were slightly better placed. I also saw the problems of other jail inmates — so many poor people behind bars for years for petty crimes like hen theft or wood theft, with no money or understanding of legal procedures. Their families had no resources, and could not travel from remote areas to Ranchi to meet them. Many did not even speak Hindi. I am now trying to arrange lawyers to provide them legal assistance. My work does not stop anywhere.

I feel blessed to have been chosen to serve my people and contribute to the development of my state after Guruji. After all, he was the main architect of Jharkhand; it is natural for me to continue this journey. During my time in jail, his health was failing and his memory was deteriorating. When I came out, he did not recognise me. When someone showed him my photo, he would say it was his own. When I told him I had been to jail, he smiled—perhaps thinking I was following his footsteps, struggling as he did for the people. It was as if he were saying, “Sona aag mein tapkar hi chamakta hai” — gold shines only after being tested in fire. Baba led a tough life. He spent time in jail year after year. He remained in jail because he was trying to eradicate age-old practices of suppression and exploitation of the poor. He chose to fight the most powerful people for a cause he believed in.

I now know how much he suffered — coming from the lowest strata of society and yet striving to bring change to the lives of tribals and poor villagers who were harassed by the mighty. Despite becoming a strong leader and a vocal political representative, he was implicated in cases and kept in jail. One can only imagine how hard life is for common tribal people, who are not even in the mainstream. Our family has suffered at the hands of the powerful; you could say this is the legacy of struggle I inherited from him. Those who killed my grandfather were known and identified, but they were never prosecuted. My father kept quiet and never sought revenge. Instead, he resolved to draw a bigger line through his work. In the end, he rose to a higher pedestal by earning a place in the hearts of the people. The perpetrators disappeared into oblivion; nobody knows them now. His style was that of a fighter—working tirelessly, fearlessly toward his goals until his opponents became small on their own. He had the rare gift of connecting people from different groups. He transformed his personal hardships into a source of strength and worked tirelessly, without fear. We all watched his sufferings and success and learnt a lot from it.

How was your childhood?

I was born into a poor farming family. Hunger and poverty were part of our day-to-day life. Yet, I’m proud that ours was the first generation that truly emerged from the jungle into the mainstream. My baba and my mother worked as labourers in other people’s fields. In the 1960s and 70s, the exploitation of tribals by the mahajans (moneylenders) was at its peak. During that time, my grandfather was murdered by these very forces. At that crucial moment, my father left everything and pledged to work for the upliftment of tribals and other downtrodden communities. He travelled the jungles not only of our own state but also the bordering regions, uniting tribals, Scheduled Castes, and the poorest people across villages. Guruji worked like a one-man army. He saw many ups and downs, suffered a great deal, but he never lost hope and never backtracked. Once he decided on a task, he never left it halfway. It takes just a moment of courage and determination to raise your voice against exploitation — but that moment is not easy to find. The mahajans terrorised people and were treated like kings. Raja ke samne kaun bol sakta hai? (Who could speak before a king?) Yet, once my father did, people began to join him. The shadow of exploitation and suppression still hovers over the downtrodden. Whatever voices we hear today against such atrocities — somewhere within them is the role of my baba. After his recent demise, the love, respect, and tributes he received — not only from across India but also from neighbouring countries — proved how deeply his work had touched people’s lives. His journey was always vibrant. The Chief Minister of Telangana recently said that Guruji played a decisive role not only in the creation of Jharkhand but also of Telangana. Despite such stature, he always lived like any common man. I have always felt there was a kind of divine blessing with Baba that helped him sail through the roughest waters. The fight for a separate Jharkhand state was long. At one point, when the Centre announced an ‘autonomous council,’ people lost hope. “Now we should forget the separate state,” they told Baba. But he motivated them to continue the struggle. We had immense public support. We continued the struggle and even carried out an economic blockade. Many cases were filed against us; some are still pending.

Was there a sympathy wave in the last elections for you due to the passing of Guruji?

Until recently, we were harvesting the crop that Baba sowed. But this time, he was seriously unwell, and we had to plan the elections on our own. We won a record number of seats in alliance with other parties and formed the government. In fact, during the Lok Sabha elections, I was in jail. Yet, one good thing happened in this period: I had one more hand —my wife’s — to work for the upliftment of the state. She handled the parliamentary elections successfully, and later we both worked for the Assembly elections. I would not call it sympathy. But yes, people were pained to see me in jail, because they know the sacrifices our family has made.

Had you imagined your wife joining politics — and did her success surprise you?

What can a drowning man do? I was in jail when she stepped forward. She had to take responsibility for the party. Yes, her entry was unexpected, but her success was not surprising to me. In our family, we become stronger in times of trial. She has seen Baba and me work relentlessly for the poor and the tribal people, no matter the circumstances. She did exactly that—she understands the problems of ordinary people.

When you speak the truth from the bottom of your heart, it connects directly with people. You can win their love and trust. This time, we received tremendous support from all walks of life. That shows we did not fight on false promises. People trust that what we promise, we will fulfill, and they have seen us deliver.

Everyone knows how the BJP came to power in various states by copying us—but then failed to deliver as promised: neither in Delhi, nor in Maharashtra, nor in Haryana, nor in Madhya Pradesh.

How did you meet your wife? Was it an arranged marriage?

Kalpana ji is from Baripada, a small town in Odisha. My mother chose her, and I agreed. By the grace of God, she fit into the family beautifully. We worked for people with the same motivation and strong will. It is commendable how she handled my parents, our children, and my social and political responsibilities. There were not as many people in the entire town as those who joined my baraat (wedding procession), thanks to Baba’s popularity.

Did your father prepare you for a bigger political role?

After he became a major political leader, our lives revolved around his schedule and constant travel. Sometimes we lived in Bokaro, sometimes in Patna, and sometimes back in our village. I had zero interest in politics, but his larger-than-life persona and his dedication to the poor always impressed me. That, perhaps, became my learning ground for the future. I also loved travelling and exploring new places. I would sometimes hide in Baba’s car, without telling anyone, during his political and social tours in the villages. I would listen to him — how he engaged with people’s problems and how respectfully he treated everyone. It was mesmerising. I didn’t need formal political lessons; I learned simply by watching him. I was more interested in studies and even took admission in an engineering college. At that time, my elder brother was active in politics and became an MLA. Then everything changed. My father underwent a bypass surgery, and soon after, my brother died suddenly. A large vacuum appeared within the party. The responsibility naturally fell on my shoulders, and I accepted it. My political journey began with a brief stint in the Rajya Sabha. I then became the Leader of the Opposition, the Deputy Chief Minister, and later the Chief Minister. This is now the fourth time I have taken oath as a Chief Minister. It all happened fast; doors kept opening one after another. One regret of mine is that I could not complete my studies. I had to leave college midway because Guruji was sent to jail many times. Everyone left us; we were alone fighting Baba’s cases in court, spending most of our time with lawyers and in courtrooms. Today, when I am invited as chief guest to the same college from which I could not complete my degree, it pains me.

There was also a time when your father was called a Maoist. What was that time like?

Yes. At one time, a shoot-at-sight order was issued against him when some people labelled him a Maoist. But when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi learned of it, she had it withdrawn immediately. She knew Baba was engaged in social causes — persuading villagers to send their children to school and encouraging them to adopt modern agricultural techniques. I personally witnessed how both Indira ji and Rajiv ji liked and respected him.

The Jharkhand Assembly recently passed a resolution opposing Bihar-like Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in the state. What risk do you see in such an exercise?

Special voter revision is an old and routine practice by election authorities. But what was the need and urgency to combine “special voter revision” with “intensive voter revision”? The way it began in a hurry, and the manner in which it has been conducted, has created suspicion in the public mind. There are doubts about a political agenda involving the Centre and the Election Commission. We will do everything possible to safeguard our voters’ interests. As you know, tribals have meagre means to survive. In our community, the majority do not even know their date of birth. Some will say, I was born under a tree, some will say, in the house, others will guess — winter, summer, or the rains. There is no documentation in our community; no records. In such a situation, it is our duty as leaders to ensure their rights are protected and they are not disenfranchised for lack of document.

You have sought about ₹1.40 lakh crore in mining-related dues and special assistance from the Centre. There is also the demand for compensation due to loss of GST. What has been the Centre’s response to your demands?

There has been some progress, but it is very slow. We are demanding our rightful due and hope that thorough constant engagement we will be able to get the Centre to release the funds.

Municipal elections in Jharkhand have not been held since 2020. The High Court has also expressed displeasure over the delay. Why has this happened, and when do you plan to hold local elections?

There was the issue of the “triple test” for reservations. Later, we were busy with the Assembly elections. So yes, municipal polls have been delayed. We are working on the issue and trying to hold them as soon as possible.

Teachers in aided schools are protesting for a 75% hike in grants. Do you think their demand is justified, and how do you plan to address their concerns?

Our government sensitive to the concerns of the people. We are looking at the issue and will take a decision as per the legal options available.

How do you plan to tackle the problem of Naxalism in your state?

The situation is improving and is more or less under control. There is a remote place called Budha Pahad in Palamu, a dense area that had been a hub of Naxal activity. For nearly 40 years, no civilian or politician dared to enter it. There were no roads or facilities; the roads were riddled with landmines. I visited the area recently with my entire team and some journalists. Around 5,000 villagers gathered. We ate with them and engaged in gup-shup to boost their morale. Many had come just to see what the son of Shibu Soren looked like. Among them were elderly people who told me how Baba used to visit them to understand their problems some 35–40 years ago. I believe Naxalism was born in the womb of poverty. Later, some among them began exploiting other poorer and less informed people for their own benefit through violence, which is wrong. To eradicate Naxalism completely, we must keep working to uplift the poorest and bring them into the mainstream. It remains a fight to ensure a decent life for the person in the last row.

Jharkhand is mineral-rich but remains among India’s poorer states. How will you ensure mining revenues translate into jobs and better living standards?

It’s neither adequate nor appropriate to simply distribute money or jobs to poor tribals. They have their pride — they are not begging. They want their rights with dignity, and they want a balanced, inclusive approach to using their own resources. They rightly see the forests, rivers, and land as their natural habitat. If someone else wants a share in that, it must be done legitimately and properly. Consider this: Asia’s largest steel plant at Bokaro is in our state. India’s first fertiliser factory was installed here. The country’s first uranium mining was based here. Once, India was known as the land of Tata and Birla — both of whom have roots in Jharkhand. Back then, the tribal population was around 40%; now it has reduced to about 26%. People migrated in search of better earnings. Yes, some got jobs here, but not everyone found it suitable, and some were pushed out. In my view, our people want dignified livelihoods in their own habitat. We are striving to provide them a dignified life.

You mentioned migration. How do you plan to create opportunities that encourage young people to stay and work in Jharkhand?

Migration is not inherently bad. Educated people migrate too. If someone gets a better opportunity or higher pay, they have every right to choose a better life — but I caution them to migrate safely. We are working to create opportunities at home. Dignity is key: livelihoods connected to people’s own land,water, forests, and traditional knowledge — augmented by modern skills — can anchor youth in the state. The goal is not to forbid migration; it is to make staying a viable choice.

Where do you see Jharkhand in 10 years, and what legacy would you like to leave as CM?

We are thinking 30–40 years ahead because the next 10 years could be dangerous if we are not careful. My biggest fear is that the mineral riches, considered a boon for the state, may turn into a disaster. At present, around 70% of our land is forested. The remaining 30% is where people live — and where mining happens. The speed at which mining is expanding in that 30% is creating an imbalance. If we end up with mines on one side and forests on the other, where will people live safely? This is a major change taking place. We will need to take tough decisions so that people can survive and thrive. It is the need of the hour for the Centre and states to make policy choices that avert this looming disaster. In some parts of our state, uranium mining is underway, and people in those areas are suffering immensely. In some localities, every second or third child or adult is disabled; foetuses are dying in the womb — these are all side effects of exposure. I would say it is Jharkhand’s misfortune that it has not received in return what it has given to the country. I appeal to all stakeholders: Think, and take hard decisions to rectify this. It is high time we give back to the people of Jharkhand.

What measures have you undertaken for women’s empowerment?

One of the biggest measures is the Maiyya Samman Yojana. Under this scheme, we provide monthly income support to nearly half the population — women across the state. Approximately `17,000 crore —about 30% of the total budget — is being distributed to women. In other states, parties make big claims; if you check, somewhere half the promised amount is given, and elsewhere payments have stopped. We, however, have been disbursing regularly since forming the government.

As a tribal leader with a growing national profile, do you see yourself playing a larger role in national politics?

We are not in politics for a position or power. For us, politics is an instrument to serve the people. I’m committed to the welfare of the tribals and the poor. I can feel their pain. We were born from a movement; we know how to claim our rights. No one gives the poor anything easily — we must fight and take our dues. Our struggle continues. Some people still try to suppress us. To them I say: “Nigalne ki koshish mat karna — Aadivasi ki haddi hai, gale mein phans jayegi” (Do not try to swallow us; this is a tribal bone, it’ll get stuck in your throat).